I'm a truth seeker, not a power seeker

Lily

B.R
Staff member
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New Delhi: A lecturer of Business Management at St Xavier's College, Kolkata, he was like any other 28-year-old young man. That was until 1968, when the Naxalite-Maoist movement began in West Bengal — he could neither endorse their policy nor keep quiet.

Vepa Shyam Rao became Swami Agnivesh (meaning ‘fire of the mind'). He left his career and family, and began working among the poor. "I went to Haryana [a state in north India] to join the Hindu reformist movement Arya Samaj and espoused a new philosophy called vedic socialism, which is about equality and justice," Agnivesh said.

He became a monk who launched a political party, Arya Sabha. And having made it to Haryana's Legislative Assembly, served as Minister for Education. From there began his struggle against all forms of religious, caste and racial discrimination.

But unlike many politicians who insist that politics and religion should not be mixed but do just that, Agnivesh believes the two exist together. Why? "Because I'm neither religious nor a politician in the real sense. I'm a truth seeker and not a power seeker."

Although not actively involved in politics for the last many years, Agnivesh does not rule out the possibility. "Who knows I might fight elections in future. I don't foreclose anything. But as of now, I see a great opportunity in building people's power."

He has been supporting activist Anna Hazare on the Lokpal Bill and had been an intermediary between the government and the Maoists.

The social activist speaks to Gulf News in an exclusive interview.



GULF NEWS: You are in touch with Maoist leaders. Do you sympathise with them? How just is their cause?

SWAMI AGNIVESH: I can neither say I sympathise with them, nor claim to know their cause. But yes, I know many youngsters in their early 20s are making tremendous sacrifices by laying down their lives. I met some of them in the forests of Dantewala region in Chhatisgarh and saw their commitment to social injustice. We are a nation of such diverse contrast. On the one hand we have the filthy rich people and on the other, the poorest of the poor. This is unacceptable.

In addition, the government's land reforms have remained on paper and never implemented. Such issues create wide space for the fight for justice.

What changes have come about ever since you intervened and talked to the Maoists?

I got involved actively last year and undertook a march from Raipur to Dantewada after 76 men from the paramilitary force were ambushed by the Maoists in Dantewada. Immediately after, I received a letter from Home Minister P. Chidambaram appreciating my efforts and seeking help in facilitating peace negotiations with the Maoists. Then, I got in touch with several Maoist leaders and met Kobad Gandhy in Tihar Prison and Narayan Sanyal in Raipur Central Jail with copies of the home minister's letter.

It was unbelievable that they all agreed to talks, because the government was till then saying Maoists were some dreaded terrorists, who were not ready for dialogue or a peaceful approach. All this was surprising considering the backdrop to Operation Green hunt — the paramilitary offensive against Maoist rebels in Chhatisgarh. And also Prime Minister Manmohan Singh declaring that Maoists were the biggest threat to India's security.

What happened to the assurance you gave to the Maoists of taking up the peace proposal with the government?

I got a written reply from Maoist leader Cherukuri Rajkumar, alias Azad, saying they were ready for both ceasefire and peaceful talks. He said if the issues of the tribals were taken care of and the ban on the Maoists was lifted, they were even ready to come out in the open. I showed the letter to Chidambaram, but he was sceptical. He told me not to trust them and that they did not believe in democracy.

I had to tell him that if they were ready for talks with the home minister, it meant they believed in a democratic set up.

After a spate of letters from both sides, the atmosphere for talks finally was just right. But on July 1 last year, when Azad alighted from a train in Nagpur, he was picked up by the security forces. The government then spread stories that he was killed in an encounter.

What was your line of action?

I asked the home minister for a judicial enquiry, but he refused. After 10 days I managed to meet the prime minister, who acknowledged the need for an enquiry and said he needed four to five days time. I waited for five months and meanwhile met many political leaders, including Rahul Gandhi, but no one did anything. Finally, I filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court in January.

How do you feel now that the Supreme Court has ordered a CBI enquiry?

I feel vindicated. It has directed the Andhra Pradesh government to issue a notification on the CBI probe into the alleged encounter killing of Azad and freelance journalist Hem Chandra Pandey. Both were killed in the Adilabad forests near Maharashtra-Andhra border. The manner in which they were murdered raised questions. The post-mortem and forensic reports confirmed they were shot from a close range, belying the encounter theory.

I had worked as an interlocutor between the government and the Maoists and felt cheated by the turn of events. The government used my position to track down the Maoist leader. It was highly unethical and immoral on its part.

How hopeful are you that the truth will emerge, considering that the CBI is regulated by the government?

I am sure the truth with come out because of its monitoring by the Supreme Court. In this whole imperfect situation, where the entire institutional mechanism is not perfect, that's how far one can get!

Didn't the Maoists feel you betrayed their trust after Azad was killed?

Fortunately, that trust has remained and rather increased. They know I stand for justice. My only appeal to them is to shun arms and organise a mass movement that can bring about far more radical changes. No movement can succeed until it is non-violent. Once they stop violence, there will be many common grounds on which we could join hands.

Would you say that, contrary to what the government is saying, it has some vested interest in not solving the issues of the tribals?

Big money is involved. What I have understood while dealing with this problem is that the intention of the government is to grab all those forest areas and land that are rich in mineral resources.

Their objective is to hand over the fertile land to the multinationals, whom I refer to as mining mafia. They call it development and are subservient to the interests of the wealthy at the cost of the tribals and the poor. Because the government is a stooge of the corporate sector, people are feeling threatened by it.

But why do Maoists resort to violence, especially against the security forces who are only doing their duty?

They are into violence of the revengeful kind. It is important to know why Maoists target security men meant to maintain law and order. We have a history since the British days where three types of people go into the forests.

One, the excise officials who promote government liquor shops and are not happy with the tribals brewing their own liquor. Two, forest officials who in league with big companies, allowing cutting and felling of trees in a clandestine manner. And three, the security men, who on the premise of maintaining law and order, loot homes of the tribals and humiliate their women folk.

So, there is this systematic attack on the life support system of the tribals, who neither believe in deforestation, nor are used to modern wooden architecture or furniture. They have a simple lifestyle, but are falsely accused of destroying forests. Since they only have the outdated bows and arrows to defend themselves, the Maoists have now come to their rescue. They retaliate with the latest AK 47 rifles to resist the onslaught of the government agencies.

People say you look like a sadhu, but talk like a politician. Can we know the real you?

A person need not be compartmentalised, as he has different identities. My approach to life has been more holistic, not one sided. My line of thinking is that one must combine the best of all.

From Shyam to Swami

  • Swami Agnivesh was born on September 21, 1939, to Sita Devi and Vepa Lakshmi Narasimha in Sakti village, Chhattisgarh.
  • He was educated at Municipal High School, Sakti.
  • He received his M.Com and law degrees from the University of Kolkata in 1963.
  • Worked as lecturer of business management at St Xavier's College, Kolkata (1963-68).
  • Went to Haryana to join the Hindu reformist movement Arya Samaj in 1968.
  • Became a monk two years later and launched a political party, Arya Sabha.
  • Elected member of Haryana's Legislative Assembly in 1977.
  • Became Minister for Education — 1979-82 and founded the Bonded Labour Liberation Front, which continues to fight against bonded labour in India.
  • Worked for the emancipation of woman, which brought about the Commission of Sati (prevention) Act of 1987.
  • Chairperson of the United Nations Voluntary Trust Fund on Contemporary Forms of Slavery.
  • Won the Anti-Slavery International Award, London in 1990.
  • Won the Freedom and Human Rights Award, Switzerland in 1994.
  • Won the Rajiv Gandhi National Sadbhavna Award, New Delhi in 2004.
  • Won the Right Livelihood Award, Sweden also in 2004.
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