Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

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Old 22-Sep-2006
Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

Jis tra ke dhanne jatt ne akia ke Bhagat Singh da janam din nede aa reha hai te sanu us noo yaad karan lai kuch karna chaida hai. main dhanne da shukria karda han jis ne mainu aa thread shuru karan lai parerat keeta. main is thread wich us mahaan shaheed te kujh facts post karan ja reha haan te 27 tareek tou baad tak karda rahoonga. ih galh bilkul theek hai ke sanu unha shaheeda noo kade nahi bhulna chaida jinha ne apni jaan vaar ke sanu aj da bharat ditta. mera ih thread us mahaan shaheed noo shardhanjali hai.

sabh tou pehla main Bhagat Singh dian asli photos te us dian jail wich te apni jindgi dauraan likhian quotes post karan ja reha haan.

<TABLE border=0><TBODY><TR><TD class=main1 vAlign=top>At the age of 21+ years 1929</TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE>

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

<TABLE border=0><TBODY><TR><TD class=main1 vAlign=top>At the age of 20 years first police arrest 1927</TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE>

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

<TABLE border=0><TBODY><TR><TD class=main1 vAlign=top>At the Age of 17 years</TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE>

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

<TABLE border=0><TBODY><TR><TD class=main1 vAlign=top>At the age of 11 years</TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE>

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

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S. Arjan Singh (Grandfather)

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

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S.Kishan Singh (Father)

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

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S.Swaran Singh (Uncle)
He died at the age of 23 due to severe torture by the British Rule in 1910

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Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

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S. Arjan Singh (Grandfather)
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S.Ajit Singh(Uncle)

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

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Bhagat Singh, a great reader and thinker was able to break the jail conditions, even when officially not allowed he was reading and writing but finally after long hunger strike got the right of reading & writing included in Jail Manuals Thus he maintained a note book of 404 pages and kept notes & quotes from the books he read. Here are few of these:

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Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

"Ah my beloved, fill the cup that clears
Todays of past Regrets and future Fears
Tomorrow? _ why, Tomorrow I may be
Myself with yesterdays Sevn's thousand year."

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

Here with a loaf Bread beneath the Bough
A flask of wine, a Book of verse-and thou
Beside me signing in the widerness
And wilderness in paradise now!
"Ummar Khayyam" Natural and Civil Rights
Man did not enter into society to become worse then he was before, but to have those rights better secured. His netural rights are the foundation of all his civil rights.
Natural rights are those which appertain to man in right of his existence (intellectual mental etc.)
Civil rights are those that appertain to man in right of his being a member of society.
Rights of Man-Thomas Paine


"Morality and religion are but words to him who fishes in gutters for the means of sustaining life and crouches behind barrels in the street for shelter from the cutting blasts of a winter night."

Right of labour

We consider it horrible that people should have their heads cut off, but we have not been taught to see the horror of life - long death which is inflicted upon a whole population by poverty and tyranny.
- Mark Twain

The Old labourer

"….He (the old labourer out of employment) was struggling against age, against nature, against circumstences, The entire weight of society, law and order pressed upon him to force him to loose his self respect and liberty.. He knocked at the doors of the farms and found good in man only - not in law and order, but in individual man alone.
-Richerd Jefferies.

Free Thought

"If there is anything that cannot bear free thought, let it crack"
-Windell Phillips

One Against All

(Charles Fourier 1772-1837)
The present social order is a ridiculous mechanism, in which portion of the whole are in conflict and acting against the whole are in conflict and acting against the whole. We see each class in society desire, from interest, the misfortune of the other classes, placing in every way individual interest in opposition to public good. The lawyer wishes litigation and suits. Particularity among the rich; the physician desires sickness (The leter would be ruined if every body died without disease as would The former if all quarrels were settled by arbitration) The soldier wants a war which will carry off half of his burrials; monopolist and forestallers went famine, to double or treble the price of grain; the architect, the carpenter, the mason want conflagration, That will burn down a hundred houses to give activity to their branches of business.


Not a grave for the murder'd for freedom, But grow seeds for freedom, in its turn to bearseeds Which the wind carry a far and resow, and the rains and the snows nourish. Not a disembodies spirit can the weapons of tyrant let loose
But it stalc invincible over the earth whispering counselling, cautioning.
-(Walt Whitmen)

Will of Revolutionary

" I also wish my friends to speak little or not at all about me, because idols are created when men are praised and this is very bad for the future of the human race…..Acts alone, no metter by whom committed out to be studied, praised or blamed. Let them be praised in order that they may be initiated when they seem to contribute to the common weal; let them be ceusured when they are regarded as injurious to the general well being, so that they may not be repeated."
"I desire that on no occasion, whether near or remote, nor for any reason whatsoever, shall demonstrations of a political or religious character be made before my remains as I consider the time devoted to the dead would be better employed in improving the conditions of the living, most of whom stand in great need of this."
Will of Frenscisco Ferrer Spanish educator (1859-1909)

Glory of the Cause
Ah! Not for idle hatred, not
For honour, fame, nor self applause
But for the glory of the cause
You did, what will not be forgot
- (Arthur clough)
The mechine is social in nature, as the tool was individual
"Give us worse cotton, but give us better men" say Emerson
"Deliver me those rickety perishing souls of infants, and let the cotton trade take its chance."

The men cannot be sacrificed to the machine. The machine must serve mankind, yet the danger to the human race lurks, menacing, in the industrial region
- Poverty & Riches Scott Nearing

Man and Mankind
"I am a man and all that affects manking concerns me"
- (Page 43 of Jail notebook)

Aim of life

"The aim of life is no more to control mind, but to develop it harmoniously, not to achieve salvation here after, but to make the best use of it here below, and not to realise truth, beauty and good only in contemplation, but also in-the actual experience of daily life; social progress depends not upon the ennoblement of the few but on the enrichment democracy or universal brotherhod can be achieved only when there is an equality of opportunity of opportunity in the social, political and individual life." (Page 124 of Jail notebook)

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

Full Text of Statement of S. Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt in the Assembly Bomb Case.
(Read in the Court on 6th June, 1929, by Mr. Asaf Ali on behalf of Bhagat Singh and B.K. Dutt)
We stand charged with certain serious offences, and at this stage it is but right that we must explain our conduct.
In this connection, the following questions arise.
1. Were the bombs thrown into Chamber, and, if so, why?
2. Is the charge, as framed by the Lower Court, correct or otherwise?
To the first half of first question, our reply is in the affirmative, but since some of the so-called 'eye witnesses' have perjured themselves and since we are not denying our liability to that extent, let our statement about them be judged for what it is worth. By way of an illustration, we many point out that the evidence of Sergeant Terry regarding the seizure of the pistol from one of us is a deliberate falsehood, for neither of us had the pistol at the time we gave ourselves up. Other witnesses, too, who have deposed to having seen bombs being thrown by us have not scrupled to tell lies. This fact had its own moral for those who aim at judicial purity and fairplay.
At the same time, we acknowledge the fairness of the Public Prosecutor and the judicial attitude of the Court so far.
Viceroy's Views Endorsed
In our reply to the next half of the first question, we are constrained to go into some detail to offer a full and frank explanation of our motive and the circumstances leading up to what has now become a historic event.
When we were told by some of the police officers, who visited us in jail that Lord Irwin in his address to the joint session of the two houses described the event as an attack directed against no individual but against an institution itself, we readily recognized that the true significance of the incident had been correctly appreciated.
We are next to none in our love for humanity. Far from having any malice against any individual, we hold human life sacred beyond words.
We are neither perpetrators of dastardly outrages, and, therefore, a disgrace to the country, as the pseudo-socialist Dewan. Chaman Lal is reported to have described us, nor are we 'Lunatics' as The Tribune of Lahore and some others would have it believed.
Practical Protest
We humbly claim to be no more than serious students of the history and conditions of our country and her aspirations. We despise hypocrisy, Our practical protest was against the institution, which since its birth, has eminently helped to display not only its worthlessness but its far-reaching power for mischief. They more we have been convinced that it exists only to demonstrate to world Indian's humiliation and helplessness, and it symbolizes the overriding domination of an irresponsible and autocratic rule. Time and again the national demand has been pressed by the people's representatives only to find the waste paper basket as its final destination.
Attack on Institution
Solemn resolutions passed by the House have been contemptuously trampled under foot on the floor of the so called Indian Parliament. Resolution regarding the repeal of the repressive and arbitrary measures have been treated with sublime contempt, and the government measures and proposals, rejected as unacceptable buy the elected members of the legislatures, have been restored by mere stroke of the pen. In short, we have utterly failed to find any justification for the existence of an institution which, despite all its pomp and splendour, organized with the hard earned money of the sweating millions of India, is only a hollow show and a mischievous make-believe. Alike, have we failed to comprehend the mentality of the public leaders who help the Government to squander public time and money on such a manifestly stage-managed exhibition of Indian's helpless subjection.
No Hope For Labour
We have been ruminating upon all these matters, as also upon the wholesale arrests of the leaders of the labour movement. When the introduction of the Trade Disputes Bill brought us into the Assembly to watch its progress, the course of the debate only served to confirm our conviction that the labouring millions of India had nothing to expect from an institution that stood as a menacing monument to the strangling of the exploiters and the serfdom of the helpless labourers.
Finally, the insult of what we consider, an inhuman and barbarous measure was hurled on the devoted head of the representatives of the entire country, and the starving and struggling millions were deprived of their primary right and the sole means of improving their economic welfare. None who has felt like us for the dumb driven drudges of labourers could possibly witness this spectacle with equanimity. None whose heart bleeds for them, who have given their life-blood in silence to the building up of the economic structure could repress the cry which this ruthless blow had wrung out of our hearts.
Bomb Needed
Consequently, bearing in mind the words of the late Mr. S.R. Das, once Law Member of the Governor - General's Executive Council, which appeared in the famous letter he had addressed to his son, to the effect that the 'Bomb was necessary to awaken England from her dreams', we dropped the bomb on the floor of the Assembly Chamber to register our protest on behalf of those who had no other means left to give expression to their heart-rending agony. Our sole purpose was "to make the deaf hear" and to give the heedless a timely warning. Others have as keenly felt as we have done, and from under the seeming stillness of the sea of Indian humanity, a veritable storm is about to break out. We have only hoisted the "danger-signal" to warn those who are speeding along without heeding the grave dangers ahead. We have only marked the end of an era of Utopian non-violence, of whose futility the rising generation has been convinced beyond the shadow of doubt.
Ideal Explained
We have used the expression Utopian non-violence, in the foregoing paragraph which requires some explanation. Force when aggressively applied is "violence" and is, therefore, morally unjustifiable, but when it is used in the furtherance of a legitimate cause, it has its moral justification. The elimination of force at all costs in Utopian, and the mew movement which has arisen in the country, and of that dawn we have given a warning, is inspired by the ideal which guided Guru Gobind Singh and Shivaji, Kamal Pasha and Riza Khan, Washington and Garibaldi, Lafayette and Lenin.
As both the alien Government and the Indian public leaders appeared to have shut their eyes to the existence of this movement, we felt it as our duty to sound a warning where it could not go unheard.
We have so far dealt with the motive behind the incident in question, and now we must define the extent of our intention.
No Personal Grudge
We bore no personal grudge or malice against anyone of those who received slight injuries or against any other person in the Assembly. On the contrary, we repeat that we hold human life sacred beyond words, and would sooner lay down our own lives in the service of humanity than injure anyone else. Unlike the mercenary soldiers of the imperialist armies who are disciplined to kill without compunction, we respect, and, in so far as it lies in our power, we attempt to save human life. And still we admit having deliberately thrown the bombs into the Assembly Chamber. Facts however, speak for themselves and our intention would be judged from the result of the action without bringing in Utopian hypothetical circumstances and presumptions.
No Miracle
Despite the evidence of the Government Expert, the bombs that were thrown in the Assembly Chamber resulted in slight damage to an empty bench and some slight abrasions in less than half a dozen cases, while Government scientists and experts have ascribed this result to a miracle, we see nothing but a precisely scientific process in all this incident. Firstly, the two bombs exploded in vacant spaces within the wooden barriers of the desks and benches, secondly, even those who were within 2 feet of the explosion, for instance, Mr. P. Rau, Mr. Shanker Rao and Sir George Schuster were either not hurt or only slightly scratched. Bombs of the capacity deposed to by the Government Expert (though his estimate, being imaginary is exaggerated), loaded with an effective charge of potassium chlorate and sensitive (explosive) picrate would have smashed the barriers and laid many low within some yards of the explosion.
Again, had they been loaded with some other high explosive, with a charge of destructive pellets or darts, they would have sufficed to wipe out a majority of the Members of the Legislative Assembly. Still again we could have flung them into the official box which was occupied by some notable persons. And finally we could have ambushed Sir John Simon whose luckless Commission was loathed by all responsible people and who was sitting in the President's gallery at the time. All these things, however, were beyond our intention and bombs did no more than they were designed to do, and the miracle consisted in no more than the deliberate aim which landed them in safe places.
We then deliberately offered ourselves to bear the penalty for what we had done and to let the imperialist exploiters know that by crushing individuals, they cannot kill ideas. By crushing two insignificant units, a nation cannot be crushed. We wanted to emphasize the historical lesson that lettres de cachets and Bastilles could not crush the revolutionary movement in France. Gallows and the Siberian mines could not extinguish the Russian Revolution. Bloody Sunday, and Black and Tans failed to strangle the movement of Irish freedom.
Can ordinances and Safety Bills snuff out the flames of freedom in India? Conspiracy cases, trumped up or discovered and the incarcertion of all young men, who cherish the vision of a great ideal, cannot check the march of revolution. But a timely warning, if not unheeded, can help to prevent loss of life and general sufferings.
We took it upon ourselves to provide this warning and our duty is done.
(Bhagat Singh was asked in the lower court what he meant by word "Revolution". In answer to that question, he said) "Revolution" does not necessarily involve sanguinary strife nor is there any place in it for individual vendentta. It is not the cult of the bomb and the pistol. By "Revolution" we mean that the present order of things, which is based on manifest injustice, must change. Producers or labourers in spite of being the most necessary element of society, are robbed by their exploiters of the fruits of their labour and deprived of their elementary rights. The peasant who grows corn for all, starves with his family, the weaver who supplies the world market with textile fabrics, has not enough to cover his own and his children's bodies, masons, smiths and carpenters who raise magnificent palaces, live like pariahs in the slums. The capitalists and exploiters, the parasites of society, squander millions on their whims. These terrible inequalities and forced disparity of chances are bound to lead to chaos. This state of affairs cannot last long, and it is obvious, that the present order of society in merry-making is on the brink of a volcano.
The whole edifice of this civilization, if not saved in time, shall crumble. A radical change, therefore, is necessary and it is the duty of those who realize it to reorganize society on the socialistic basis. Unless this thing is done and the exploitation of man by man and of nations by nations is brought to an end, sufferings and carnage with which humanity is threatened today cannot be prevented. All talk of ending war and ushering in an era of universal peace is undisguised hypocrisy.
By "Revolution", we mean the ultimate establishment of an order of society which may not be threatened by such breakdown, and in which the sovereignty of the proletariat should be recognized and a world federation should redeem humanity from the bondage of capitalism and misery of imperial wars.
This is our ideal, and with this ideology as our inspiration, we have given a fair and loud enough warning.
If, however, it goes unheeded and the present system of Government continues to be an impediment in the way of the natural forces that are swelling up, a grim struggle will ensure involving the overthrow of all obstacles, and the establishment of the dictatorship of the dictatorship of the proletariat to pave the way for the consummation of the ideal of revolution. Revolution is an inalienable right of mankind. Freedom is an imperishable birth right of all. Labour is the real sustainer of society. The sovereignty of the ultimate destiny of the workers.
For these ideals, and for this faith, we shall welcome any suffering to which we may be condemned. At the altar of this revolution we have brought our youth as an incense, for no sacrifice is too great for so magnificent a cause. We are content, we await the advent of Revolution "Long Live Revolution."

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

Letter to I.G. (Prisons), Punjab

[Prelude to a prolonged struggle in jail on the demand of a better treatment.]
Mianwali Jail
17 June, 1929
The Inspector-General(Jails),
Punjab Jails,
Despite the fact that I will be prosecuted along with other youngmen arrested in Saunders shooting case, I have been shifted to Mianwali Jail from Delhi. The hearing of the case is to start from 26 June, 1929. I am totally unable to understand the logic behind this kind of shifting. Whatever it be, justice demands that every undertrial should be given all those facilities which help him to prepare and contest the case. How can I appoint any lawyer while I am here ? It is difficult to keep on the contact with my father and other relatives. This place is quite isolated, the route is troublesome and it is very far from Lahore.
I request you that you order my immediate transfer to Lahore Central Jail so that I get an opportunity to prepare my case. I hope that it will be given the earliest consideration.
Yours truly
Bhagat Singh

Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

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Section 381of the Criminal Procedure Code, Sections 8 and 11 of Ordinance No. III of 1930.
In the Court of the Lahore Conspiracy Case Tribunal, Lahore constituted under Ordinance No. III of 1930.
WHEREAS Bhagat Singh, son of Kishen Singh, resident of Khawasrian, Lahore, one of the prisoners in the Lahore Conspiracy Case, having been found guilty by us of offence under section 121 and section 302 of the Indian Penal Code and also under section 4 (b) of the Explosive Substances Act read with section 5 of that Act and with section 120-F of the Indian Penal Code at a trial commencing from the 5th May, 1930, and ending with the 7 October, 1930, is hereby sentenced to death.
This is to authorise and require you, the said Superintendent, to carry the said sentence into execution by causing the said BHAGAT SINGH to be hanged by the neck until he be dead at Lahore on the 17th day of October, 1930, and to return this warrant to the High Court with an endorsement certifying that the sentence has been executed.
Given under our hands and the seal of the Court this 7th day of October, 1930.
Seal of the Tribunal
Sd/- Member of the Tribunal
Sd/- Member of the Tribunal


Old 22-Sep-2006
Re: Shardhanjali to great martyr.......Bhagat Singh

Bhagat Singh's last petition
The Punjab Governor
With due respect we beg to bring to your kind notice the following:
That we were sentenced to death on 7th October 1930 by a British Court, L.C.C Tribunal, constituted under the Sp. Lahore Conspiracy Case Ordinance, promulgated by the H.E. The Viceroy, the Head of the British Government of India, and that the main charge against us was that of having waged war against H.M. King George, the King of England.
The above-mentioned finding of the Court pre-supposed two things:
Firstly, that there exists a state of war between the British Nation and the Indian Nation and, secondly, that we had actually participated in that war and were therefore war prisoners.
The second pre-supposition seems to be a little bit flattering, but nevertheless it is too tempting to resist the desire of acquiescing in it.
As regards the first, we are constrained to go into some detail. Apparently there seems to be no such war as the phrase indicates. Nevertheless, please allow us to accept the validity of the pre-supposition taking it at its face value. But in order to be correctly understood we must explain it further. Let us declare that the state of war does exist and shall exist so long as the Indian toiling masses and the natural resources are being exploited by a handful of parasites. They may be purely British Capitalist or mixed British and Indian or even purely Indian. They may be carrying on their insidious exploitation through mixed or even on purely Indian bureaucratic apparatus. All these things make no difference. No matter, if your Government tries and succeeds in winning over the leaders of the upper strata of the Indian Society through petty concessions and compromises and thereby cause a temporary demoralization in the main body of the forces. No matter, if once again the vanguard of the Indian movement, the Revolutionary Party, finds itself deserted in the thick of the war. No matter if the leaders to whom personally we are much indebted for the sympathy and feelings they expressed for us, but nevertheless we cannot overlook the fact that they did become so callous as to ignore and not to make a mention in the peace negotiation of even the homeless, friendless and penniless of female workers who are alleged to be belonging to the vanguard and whom the leaders consider to be enemies of their utopian non-violent cult which has already become a thing of the past; the heroines who had ungrudgingly sacrificed or offered for sacrifice their husbands, brothers, and all that were nearest and dearest to them, including themselves, whom your government has declared to be outlaws. No matter, it your agents stoop so low as to fabricate baseless calumnies against their spotless characters to damage their and their party's reputation. The war shall continue.
It may assume different shapes at different times. It may become now open, now hidden, now purely agitational, now fierce life and death struggle. The choice of the course, whether bloody or comparatively peaceful, which it should adopt rests with you. Choose whichever you like. But that war shall be incessantly waged without taking into consideration the petty (illegible) and the meaningless ethical ideologies. It shall be waged ever with new vigour, greater audacity and unflinching determination till the Socialist Republic is established and the present social order is completely replaced by a new social order, based on social prosperity and thus every sort of exploitation is put an end to and the humanity is ushered into the era of genuine and permanent peace. In the very near future the final battle shall be fought and final settlement arrived at.
The days of capitalist and imperialist exploitation are numbered. The war neither began with us nor is it going to end with our lives. It is the inevitable consequence of the historic events and the existing environments. Our humble sacrifices shall be only a link in the chain that has very accurately been beautified by the unparalleled sacrifice of Mr. Das and most tragic but noblest sacrifice of Comrade Bhagawati Charan and the glorious death of our dear warrior Azad.
As to the question of our fates, please allow us to say that when you have decided to put us to death, you will certainly do it. You have got the power in your hands and the power is the greatest justification in this world. We know that the maxim "Might is right" serves as your guiding motto. The whole of our trial was just a proof of that. We wanted to point out that according to the verdict of your court we had waged war and were therefore war prisoners. And we claim to be treated as such, i.e., we claim to be shot dead instead of to be hanged. It rests with you to prove that you really meant what your court has said.
We request and hope that you will very kindly order the military department to send its detachment to perform our execution.

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